In my country the question of who are annihilating South Africans? is seen as a loathsome taboo - a racist insult. One is always required to reign in the politically correct horses, back to the hackneyed maxim of all South Africans are victims and we’re all in this together. Of late, some of us are beginning to reject the PC kumbaya for the paralysing poppycock that it is.
If relatively crime- and murder free societies cannot also be the fruit of costly liberation, the children above may have all died in vain. Maybe we should have seen it coming. The Hector Petersen photograph (right) became iconography, when no-one remembers the name of the white boy (left). It was posted nowhere. As if his importance evaporated during the Christmas of 1985, when Nelson Mandela’s ANC detonated one of their many bombs, this one in Amanzimtoti. Johannes in the picture (8), Willem (2) and Isabella (5) were not striking, protesting, throwing rocks, committing treason or accosting police with guns and knopkieries, but died brutally at the behest of Sibusiso Andrew Zondo.
Critics posted a review with valid questions pertaining to Rob McCafferty’s crime report on low old South Africa crime figures (at www.gunowners.org ) Their conclusion is that he is at fault, that South Africans are now experiencing their most peaceful decades in its recent history, especially compared to the period 1950-1990 - when life expectancy for blacks soared from 38 to 61 years, nothing approximating the death toll in our new and “free” South Africa! (Illana Mercer, Into the Cannibal’s Pot, 2011).
Today, again, we sport a life-expectancy lower than Uganda (51).
These critics, Africa Check (blog) and Rapport (press), now have the unenviable task of pacifying South Africans by reconciling their “accurate” South African Police Service (SAPS) statistics with what the world has come to experience as the most dubious stats on the most murderous society in the world.
1. This they do by guilt-tripping South African whites into believing that proportionally they should, by most recent estimates of annual murder rates, be committing 1500 of the 18 000 murders per year. With ethnicities not disclosed, white people cannot research this, as it will be alleged that it is wrongly motivated. And black people will not do that for other reasons. That kills the research in the first place. Similar steps were considered in the US when blacks committed 100% of the 36 620 rapes on blacks in 2005. (Bureau of Justice Statistics, Criminal Victimisation Statistical Tables). Not a single black person was raped by a Caucasian that year.
2.To these critics fall the staggering responsibility of explaining to white farmers their disdain of the SA farmers’ predicament. The white farmer is victim to more murders per capita of their group than any other community on earth (Philip du Toit, the Great South African Land Scandal, 2004). The 315/100k farm murders in SA in 2009, completely overshadow the Iraqi War mortality rate of 147/100k. Erring on the conservative side the publication “Land of Sorrows” records more than 3319 individual attacks, but warn that the “actual number of people killed on farms (1610) is much higher in all likelihood.” (Van Zyl and Herman, 2012). These specific murders exhibit most of the other hallmarks of genocide, e.g. extreme brutality, racists slogans, cultural disdain, entitlement propaganda, exclusion from the workforce (by pallor-based policies of BEE, BBEEE, AA, PP, EE, quotas and representivity, etc.) ISS senior researcher Dr J Burger estimated the murder rate of commercial farmers at 98,8 per 100k, 14 times the world average, three times the SA murder rate and twice as high as the murder rate amongst police officers (51/100k). And still Rapport and Africa Check insists that no claim can be made that any tribe is suffering any substantial losses.
3. These critics must yet vilify international figures and fears beyond the reach of local bias. White farmer murders gravitate between levels 5 and 6 on the International Genocide Watch of Dr. Gregory Stanton in the USA. Level 8 is when genocide is over and national denial sets in. Apart from sporadic interest (http://po.st/DDbVXP) abroad, the world takes little notice.
4. Until the early nineties crime in a somewhat crime-free SA was managed with relative ease, when South Africa maintained a police to population ratio of 2:1000 - lower than West Germany and France. (Gavan Tredoux http://goo.gl/VRvz5). These days the SAPS sport 5 times more sergeants than constables, 5.5 times more inspectors than sergeants and 60% of their members go about without driver’s licenses. ( http://126.96.36.199/argief/berigte/volksblad/2002/07/23/5/2.html )
5. Africa Check must, like McCafferty, explain their comparisons, refutations and conclusions after readily admitting to incomplete statistics from the past. And how do Rapport and Africa Check arrive at their low white death rate figures when their only source explicitly does not keep statistics in ethnical or racial terms?
6. Africa Check cannot convince any reader, nor attempt to refute “unscientific” papers with the same relativist terminology of “appears to be”, “widely regarded as”, ”difficult to isolate”, “conspiracy theory”, “effectively perpetuated” and “mythology”.
7. Although McCafferty’s calculations may be read as uncertain, the dismissal of credible sources like the Medical Research Council, Home Affairs and Interpol should be taken up with them respectively. It is clear to see how judicial executions, warlike Struggle mortalities, ANC camp casualties and necklace murders can inflate any “normal” mortality figure. It does wonders for the new SA murder rate when dead victims of manslaughter are NOT reckoned into SA murder statistics. If you rob someone in her house and 'accidentally' shoot her, you simply claim 'no intent' and evade the murder wrap and SAPS stat thereof; even if you call her a white bitch before raping, hate crimes seemingly do not extend to whites victims.
8. It remains to be answered why, if old SAP crime figures are speculations, old population figures are not. Even today, forty years later, reaching South Africans in a national census poses a veritable nightmare. According to Census 2011, we are, remarkably, five times less certain about the population than we were in 2001 (Moultrie).
9. Critics have the mounting task of convincing even South Africa’s sceptical black leaders that the status quo is preferable to the old South Africa. Former ANC Youth League president Julius Malema, Agang party head Mamphela Ramphela, as well as Bishop Desmond Tutu have verbalised as much - http://goo.gl/yDEHX .
10. Liberal critics must sell to South Africans and the world at large the reliability of current SAPS statistics, the latter being the only party to benefit from deflated murder and rape figures. The SAPS admitted to 8 074 civil cases against their ministry from April 2010 to March 2011 and now has our former Police Commissioner serving time for corruption and the spouse of our Minister of Security - a convicted drug smuggler! - http://www.news24.com/SouthAfrica/News/Sheryl-Cwele-appeals-increased-sentence-20130711
11. In predominantly segregated residential and crises areas any “national sample” will come under scrutiny. In one of the most murderous countries in the word, where the annual murder rate gravitates between 18 000 and 24 000 casualties (using conservative SAPS stats), a sample of 1378 murder dockets may prove absolutely nothing or exactly what you want.
12. Critics want South Africans to opt for SAPS stats over those of the MRC and Interpol, when StatsSA’s former deputy-general (Arrow) was arrested at home for stealing a ‘confidential’ document from the office at a time when we are monitoring political interference in public institutions.
14. As the SAPS and State do not deem white crises as problematic, farm murder statistics were last released in 2007. But social media sites abound where victims can now volunteer their own experiences, independently, and where farm murders still never drop below 4 murders per month (May 2012-June 2013 http://sunettebridges.co.za/home/blog/ ) Clearly my estimate that we lose someone in a farm murder every 5 days, may prove to be erring on the conservative side. The official Transvaal Agricultural Union (TAU) statistic for 2012 is 141 farm attacks and 51 murders. This year, by June 2013, we had already crossed the 100 farm attacks mark.
15. NechamaBrodie is quoted as stating in Rapport (June 30, 2013) that more white SA women are murdered by their “lovers” than by unknown black men. We have in our keep the names of 56 white SA women murdered by “unknown black men” in the past 14 months. I now challenge her to provide the names of the 56+ white SA women who were murdered by their lovers in that period up to June 8, 2013.
16. That we cannot fit white victims of SA crime into an average sport stadium, is deftly refuted by PRAAG here http://t.co/R6pcEPoVgK (The stadium, capacity and period was fabricated by Africa Check, but our 8% of the Interpol death rate will easily fill an 80000 seater!)
17. Just because Apartheid era stats were not reliable (as Africa Check is arguing), does not mean that it has to be dismissed. You have to work with the data that is available, good or bad – however stating that the data are perhaps incorrect. We are also working with crime stats even knowing that the data are not right. But it is what we have. The same for economical stats.
18. Far more than facts, it is people’s emotions and experiences that matter. If 10 farmers in your vicinity have died, are you supposed to feel better knowing that it is 0.0002% of the population and that other races/groups are far more affected? The notion that ‘other have it worse’ is psychologically proven as ineffective. So ‘our people die like flies’ is still applicable, emotionally – and does not need to be supported by facts. Particularly, if few of the facts are reliable.
19. Different cultures/groups respond differently to mortality rates. Far be it for anybody to prescribe to any demographic when they should feel threatened or not. When extreme minorities attest to “dying like flies”, majorities can never be expected to reliably react on their behalf. This the ANC regime insists on under the banner of what they call “national unity”. When presented with five reliable sources to back their arguments, Africa Check opted for the one that underlined their selective agenda best. When an “exaggeration” could jolt the government into action, the only national Afrikaans newspaper, Rapport, opted to side against saving a farmer before next Sunday. (Victim’s name to be added here…)
Three year old Willemien (above, left) was shot EXECUTION-STYLE, after her mother and dad were slayed by blacks on their farm in the Orange Free State. Now, I’m a mere citizen. Not very scientific. And I can probably never be objective again. But I ask that the subsidised Africa Check never pawn themselves off as pioneers of objectivity. They are funded by George Soros’s Open Society Foundation with a liberal mix of members from Wits and the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory. We get the agenda.
South Africans have incompatible memories, collectively we are all heirs of extremely frustrating circumstances. Political-correct white-wash now could be devastating later. South Africans are learning to see through political façades and lies and cannot be kept from rallying or mobilizing around any group they see fit or threatened. Struggle math does not tally and the tyranny of blame can be perpetuated for as longs as they need to blame Apartheid. Meanwhile, black South Africans are as dependent as ever on what this government forces whites to do for them. Indeed, it is a society in which not only will blacks always be able to fall back on the support of affirmative action but where they will always need to (R.W. Johnson, South Africa’s Brave New World, 2009).
I concede that stats are frivolous things. If I recklessly retweeted or posted material from dubious sources, I would gladly apologise. I need to be part of the solution without discounting the vile threat to my small tribe. I do not need creative pie-charts for this. State-induced poverty on any minority is genocide and my little tribe is dying at the hands of other people and my government is marginalising my culture by undermining mother tongue education and keeping us out of the workforce with skin based policies.
Back to my initial point: my people are dying like flies. Just more violently.